Journal articles: 'Anna Segre' – Grafiati (2024)

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El pensament d’Ausiàs March, que ara poden consultar els interessats i els investigadors, és el nou estudi sobre la poesia del nostre cavaller més gran del xv. Així, sota l’edició d’Anna Alberni, Lola Badia i Raffaele Pinto, tots tres especialistes de l’obra marquiana, la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona publica, en aquest manual, una selecció de deu ponències presentades en el Congrés Internacional de Barcelona, celebrat el passat mes de desembre de 2018. El congrés, amb el mateix títol que el llibre que ací ressenyem, va tractar de reflexionar sobre la figura del poeta del segle d’or de la literatura catalana, més com a pensador que com a creador, més com a filòsof que com a autor líric.

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Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar as relações entre corpo e memória em O Amante (1984), obra aqui considerada autoficcional da escritora, roteirista, cineasta e dramaturga francesa Marguerite Duras. Para as discussões teórico-críticas acerca da autoficção, do corpo e da memória, a abordagem fundamenta-se, especialmente, em Serge Doubrovsky (2014), Anna Faedrich (2015), Michel Foucault (1983), Philippe Lejeune (1975), Jeanne Marie Gagnebin (2006), Jean-Yves Leloup (2015) e Paul Ricoeur (2000). Nesse sentido, conclui-se que, na narrativa durasiana, o corpo serve como um repositório da memória (envolvendo o lembrar e o esquecer), sobretudo, referente às relações conflituosas da narradora/autora com membros da sua família, recorrentemente presentes em seus livros. Além disso, esse corpo pode ser compreendido como um referente que associa a narradora-personagem à autora, no contexto autoficcional.

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Serge Diaghilev's Ballets Russes came to an end with his death in 1929, but it has since been an endless source of fascination and inspiration for dancers, dance historians and fans. It would seem that every aspect of the Ballets Russes has been exhaustively explored and documented – from the art, the music and the choreography, to the personalities who created them. The names of Anna Pavlova, Tamara Karsavina and Vaslav Nijinsky are legendary, and many others (Michel Fokine, George Balanchine, Ninette De Valois, Marie Rambert) went on to influence and define the art of ballet for much of the 20th century. But what of the hundreds of dancers who actually gave life and form to the Ballets Russes? Who were they? Where did they come from? How long did they spend with the company? The following listing of more than 400 performers is a comprehensive record of the dancing artists who performed with Diaghilev's Ballets Russes.

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Resum: Aquest treball proposa una aproximació sistematitzada al conjunt de les escriptoresque van nèixer abans de la Guerra Civil però que van escriure tota o part de la seua obra sotael franquisme. Es divideix en tres apartats: en primer lloc, s’ofereix una panoràmica generala la producció en català de les escriptores de tot el domini lingüístic durant la dictadura. Ensegon lloc, s’observen les circ*mstàncies específiques de les escriptores valencianes s’analitzal’aportació que van fer Anna Rebeca Mezquita Almer, Maria Ibars i Ibars, Matilde Llòria,Beatriu Civera (Valence 1914-1995), Sofia Salvador, Maria Beneyto i Cuñat, CarmelinaSánchez-Cutillas i Maria Mulet. En tercer lloc, es comentarà la seua obra, tant publicadacom inèdita per tal de valorar l’impacte que han tingut fins a l’actualitat. Paraules clau: literatura catalana del segle XX, escriptores, País Valencià, genealogies femenines,dictadura, exili, feminisme. Abstract: This work proposes a systematic approach to all the writers who were bornbefore the Civil War but who wrote all or part of their work under the Franco regime. It isdivided into three sections: firstly, it offers a general overview of women writers from all theCatalan speaking territories who produced their work in Catalan language during the dictatorship.Secondly, it looks at the specific circ*mstances of the Valencian writers and analysesthe contribution made by Anna Rebeca Mezquita Almer, Maria Ibars i Ibars, Matilde Llòria,Beatriu Civera, Sofia Salvador, Maria Beneyto and Cuñat, Carmelina Sánchez- Cutillas andMaria Mulet. Thirdly, both their published and unpublished works will be discussed to assessthe impact they have had up to present days. Keywords: Contemporary Catalan literature, 20th century, Valencian Country, WomenWriters, Female Genealogies, identity, exile.

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Anne Sauvagnargues é artista visual, escritora, filósofa e uma das maiores especialistas no pensamento de Gilles Deleuze. Pesquisadora da história da arte e da estética, explora o fio que atravessa toda obra deste autor em sua relação com a arte. Dedica-se atualmente ao desenvolvimento de uma Ecologia das Imagens, onde conceitos da filosofia da diferença dialogam intensivamente com sua poética em pintura, e oferecem novas abordagens ao conceito de imagem. Suas obras foram exibidas em diversas exposições na França e na Suíça, e seus livros traduzidos para várias línguas. Professora do departamento de filosofia na Université Paris-Nanterre, acolhe pesquisadores do mundo inteiro no seu Laboratório EA 4414 HAR: Histoire des Arts et des Représentations. Numa ensolarada tarde de junho de 2019, em Paris, conversamos a respeito de sua obra, cercados pelos livros de sua biblioteca, e diante de seus cadernos de pinturas e desenhos. A entrevista que segue é parte do material registrado nesse encontro, e posteriormente traduzido.

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The long atmospheric residence time of CO2 creates an urgent need to add atmospheric carbon drawdown to CO2 regulatory strategies. Synthetic and systems biology (SSB), which enables manipulation of cellular phenotypes, offers a powerful approach to amplifying and adding new possibilities to current land management practices aimed at reducing atmospheric carbon. The participants (in attendance: Christina Agapakis, George Annas, Adam Arkin, George Church, Robert Cook-Deegan, Charles DeLisi, Dan Drell, Sheldon Glashow, Steve Hamburg, Henry Jacoby, Henry Kelly, Mark Kon, Todd Kuiken, Mary Lidstrom, Mike MacCracken, June Medford, Jerry Melillo, Ron Milo, Pilar Ossorio, Ari Patrinos, Keith Paustian, Kristala Jones Prather, Kent Redford, David Resnik, John Reilly, Richard J. Roberts, Daniel Segre, Susan Solomon, Elizabeth Strychalski, Chris Voigt, Dominic Woolf, Stan Wullschleger, and Xiaohan Yang) identified a range of possibilities by which SSB might help reduce greenhouse gas concentrations and which might also contribute to environmental sustainability and adaptation. These include, among other possibilities, engineering plants to convert CO2 produced by respiration into a stable carbonate, designing plants with an increased root-to-shoot ratio, and creating plants with the ability to self-fertilize. A number of serious ecological and societal challenges must, however, be confronted and resolved before any such application can be fully assessed, realized, and deployed.

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Para Paul Valéry, como o andar, a prosa segue o caminho da menor acção; a linha direita, e a poesia, como a dança, enquanto “sistema de actos”, não só não vai a lado nenhum, como se realiza em si mesma, institui a sua própria finalidade. Mas por que razão tem a prosa esse impulso comandado, impulsionado pelo desejo, e a poesia não, quando tantas vezes são uma só, e vice-versa? Enquadrando, na perspectiva coreográfica, conceitos como a marcha e a dança, a propósito de obras como as de Rainer Maria Rilke, Fernando Pessoa, António Vieira e Yvette K. Centeno, desenvolve-se, neste texto, a ideia de, amiúde, ser impraticável e inútil a distinção entre géneros. Mesmo sendo possível – e apesar de esta questão ter ocupado teóricos de todos os tempos – a que leva tal procedimento? Por que não pode a prosa ser dançável e a poesia caminhante? O ser que anda pode ou não ser um bailarino do inconsciente?

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O obxecto do presente traballo é estudar a natureza e funcións do artigo que nunha grande porcentaxe de casos, tanto en galego coma en español, precede aos nomes de lugar como en A Coruña, Os Peares, El Escorial, Los Monegros. A idea, xeralmente aceptada, de que este artigo forma parte do propio topónimo é tan só certa en contados casos, como son os de Oporto ou Alcalá en español, ou, en galego, Arriba, Ocastro e Acernada, porque, ademais de aglutinarse graficamente co topónimo, xa non se sente nin funciona como verdadeiro artigo.Agora ben, segundo se argumenta nas páxinas que seguen, normalmente o artigo que precede aos topónimos segue funcionando como tal artigo, constituíndo, polo tanto, un vocábulo en si mesmo que, obviamente, non pode interpretarse como constituínte do nome propio a que acompaña. Con este forma o que aquí imos chamar sintagma denominativo, onde tal apéndice gramatical pode desempeñar tres funcións moi distintas: a anafórica (por exemplo, en o Miño, o Pindo, el Ebro), a recategorizadora (así, en a Galicia medieval, el Madrid de los Austrias) e, finalmente, a pleonástica, como, por exemplo, en A Coruña, La Rioja. É certo que, neste último caso, o artigo se acha máis unido ao nome –de aí o costume de escribilo con maiúscula inicial–; pero segue comportándose como tal, como o demostra o feito de ser incompatible con outro artigo de carácter anafórico ou recategorizador (por exemplo, en a Coruña de antes da guerra / *a A Coruña de antes da guerra), ou que, precedido de certas preposicións, se funde con elas (así, Vai na Coruña, Anda polas Pontes). A conclusión que se tira de todo isto é que o artigo pleonástico é igualmente traducible que, por descontado, o anafórico e recategorizador cando se fala ou escribe nunha lingua diferente á orixinaria do topónimo: Nació en la Mariña, Veño das Batuecas.

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Com relação às literaturas de autoria feminina produzidas na América Latina, teóricas como Márcia Hoppe Navarro (1995) e Sara Beatriz Guardía (2013) destacam Isabel Allende por ser uma das primeiras escritoras a serem reconhecidas, ainda na década de 1980 – tanto em número de exemplares vendidos quanto em elogios por parte da crítica literária. Como elemento essencial de sua escritura, Allende busca recontar histórias de mulheres por meio da ficção, colocando-as não apenas como personagens, mas também como narradoras. Além disso, a produção allendiana é composta por obras narradas em primeira pessoa, nas quais há o uso da escrita literária para analisar e opinar sobre distintos tópicos, como as condições sociais das mulheres na América Latina. Nesse sentido, o artigo pretende analisar comparativamente as obras Mi país inventado (2013) e Mujeres del alma mía (2020), partindo do conceito de autoficção, criado por Serge Doubrovsky em 1977, e analisado pelas teóricas brasileiras Eurídice Figueiredo (2010) e Anna Faedrich (2014; 2016). O estudo buscou identificar convergências e divergências na configuração (auto)ficcional da mulher em ambas as obras, além de considerar as mudanças sociais que ocorreram no Chile, no período pós-ditatorial, a partir do ano de 1990, e após as manifestações feministas que ocorreram entre 2018 e 2019. Para isso, o embasamento teórico se apoiou em Verónica Feliu (2009); Valentina Saavedra e Javiera Toro (2018); Catherine Reyes-Housholder e Beatriz Roque (2019), que investigam o papel e a condição das mulheres chilenas após os períodos citados, além da influência dos movimentos feministas no país.

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RESUMO Este texto foi escrito a partir de uma entrevista com a ativista do Movimento pela Saúde dos Povos (MSP), Anne Caroline Wihbey, Irmã da Congregação Notre Dame de Namur, norte-americana de ascendência libanesa, com reconhecida trajetória no desenvolvimento social no estado do Maranhão. Aos 95 anos, camarada e amante de todas as lutas por dignidade e justiça, mantém-se ativamente firme, com o ‘pé na estrada’. Entre viagens rodoviárias Belém/São Luís/Belém, atualmente, está empenhada em organizar o seu arquivo pessoal sobre a história do MSP, em geral, e do Maranhão, em particular. Depois disso, costuma dizer ‘que pode desaparecer’. Sempre envolvida no trabalho de educação popular, sobre os malefícios resultantes dos megaprojetos junto à vida da população, reitera afirmativamente que saúde e meio ambiente não são mercadorias. Avante na ação mobilizadora, a Irmã segue ciente de sua idade avançada, congregando esforço em aceitar seus limites com alegria e determinação. Este artigo é baseado em conversas com Irmã Anne, que abordaram sua história, sua vinda dos Estados Unidos para o Brasil e a sua vinculação ao MSP desde os primórdios, além de relatar o seu trabalho para cultivar o MSP no Brasil, passando pela experiência de formação de grupos em Nina Rodrigues e em São Luís, no Maranhão, e de incentivo à construção do MSP em Belém do Pará.

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Background:Seropositive rheumatoid arthritis (RA) is characterized by the presence of rheumatoid factor (RF) and anti-citrullinated protein autoantibodies (ACPA) with different fine-specificities. Yet, other serum anti-modified protein autoantibodies (AMPA), e.g. anti-carbamylated (Carb), anti-acetylated (KAc), and anti-malondialdehyde acetaldehyde (MAA) modified protein antibodies, have been described. By using RA patient single-cell derived monoclonal antibodies we have previously shown that individual ACPA clones recognize small distinct citrulline-containing epitopes giving them extensive multireactivity when these epitopes are found in many peptides and proteins. Moreover, certain CCP2+ multireactive ACPA clones bind also to cabamylated and acetylated autoantigens [1].Objectives:To provide a comprehensive evaluation of serum IgG and IgA autoreactivity to different post-translational modifications in RA.Methods:We analyzed 30 different IgG and IgA AMPA reactivities to modified antigens by ELISA and autoantigen arrays, in N=1985 newly diagnosed RA patients and population controls. The study utilized both previously established (i.e IgG and IgA CCP2; IgG ACPA fine-specificities; IgG anti-Carb fibrinogen and Carb FCS; IgG and IgA Cit/Carb/KAc/Orn(Ac)-vimentin), and novel assays (e.g. IgG anti-MAA and IgG anti-acetylated histones). Association with patient characteristics such as smoking and disease activity were explored. The newly developed assays were also evaluated in SLE disease controls and CCP2+ RA-risk individuals without arthritis.Results:Carb and KAc reactivities by different assays were primarily seen in patients also positive for citrulline-reactivity. Modified vimentin (mod-Vim) peptides were used for direct comparison of different AMPA reactivities, revealing that IgA AMPA recognizing mod-Vim was mainly detected in subsets of patients with high IgG anti-Cit-Vim levels and a history of smoking. IgG acetylation reactivity was mainly detected in a subset of patients with Cit and Carb reactivity. Anti-acetylated histone 2B reactivity was RA-specific and associated with high anti-CCP2 IgG levels, multiple ACPA fine-specificities, and smoking. This reactivity was also found to be present in CCP2+ RA-risk individuals without arthritis. Our data further demonstrate that IgG autoreactivity to MAA was increased in RA compared to controls with highest levels in CCP2+ RA, but was not RA-specific, and showed low correlation with other AMPA. Anti-MAA was instead associated with disease activity and was not significantly increased in CCP2+ individuals at risk of RA. Notably, RA patients could be subdivided into four different subsets based on their AMPA IgG and IgA reactivity profiles.Conclusion:We conclude that autoantibodies exhibiting different patterns of ACPA fine-specificities as well as Carb and KAc reactivity are present in RA and may be derived from multireactive B-cell clones. Anti-Carb and anti-KAc could be considered reactivities within the “Cit-umbrella” similar to ACPA fine-specificities, while MAA is distinctly different.References:[1]Sahlström P, Hansson M, Steen J, Amara K, Titcombe PJ, Forsström B, Stålesen R, Israelsson L, Piccoli L, Lundberg K, Klareskog L, Mueller DL, Catrina AI, Skriner K, Malmström V, Grönwall C. Different Hierarchies of Anti-Modified Protein Autoantibody Reactivities in Rheumatoid Arthritis. Arthritis Rheumatol. 2020 Oct;72(10):1643-1657. PMID: 32501655Caroline Grönwall: None declared, Lisa Liljefors: None declared, Holger Bang Employee of: Employee at ORGENTEC Diagnostika GmbH, Aase Hensvold: None declared, Monika Hansson: None declared, Linda Mathsson-Alm Employee of: Employee at Thermo Fisher Scientific, Lena Israelsson: None declared, Anna Svärd: None declared, Cyril CLAVEL: None declared, Elisabet Svenungsson: None declared, Iva Gunnarsson: None declared, Guy Serre: None declared, Saedis Saevarsdottir: None declared, Alf Kastbom: None declared, Lars Alfredsson: None declared, Vivianne Malmström: None declared, Johan Rönnelid: None declared, Anca Catrina: None declared, Karin Lundberg: None declared, Lars Klareskog: None declared

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Resum: Aquest article té per objectiu analitzar la novel·la Les mans de la deixebla d’Anna Moner (2011) com una obra a cavall entre la narració gòtica i l’ambientació històrica en el segle xviii, d’una banda, i com a exponent de la representació de la corporeïtat, d’una altra. Estudiem els mecanismes a través dels quals l’autora construeix tres personatges complexos que giren al voltant del conflicte generat per la naturalesa abjecta (Kristeva 2006) del cos de la protagonista. A partir d’aquest punt, ens proposem explorar com les mans deformades esdevenen un símbol que connecten amb la tradició gòtica (Cornich i Sedgwick 2017) i que en aquesta novel·la funcionen com un agent que distorsiona la psicologia de la protagonista. Estudiarem el procés d’abjecció del personatge principal en relació al rebuig del propi cos i alhora a la instrumentalització d’aquest com a agent capaç de fer trontollar la concepció il·lustrada de la ciència com a mitjà de progrés.Paraules clau: corporeïtat, abjecció, psicologisme, novel·la gòtica, dissecció.Abstract: The main aim of this article is to analyse the novel Les mans de la deixebla by Anna Moner (2011) both as a novel through gothic narration and the historical environment of the XVIII century, and as the exponent of the corporeality’s representation. We study the mechanisms through which the author builds three complex characters that turn around the conflict generated by the abject nature of the main character’s body (Kristeva 2006). From this point on, we look to explore how the deformed hands become into a symbol that connects with the gothic tradition (Cornich and Sedgwick 2017). In this novel, the hands also play the role of a disruptive agent of the main character’s psychology. We will study the abjection process of the main character related to the rejection of the own body and, at the same time, to its instrumentalization as an agent capable of undermining the illustrated conception of science as a means of progress.Keywords: corporeality, abjection, psycologism, Gothic novel, dissection.

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Background:Systemic Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis (sJIA) and Adult Onset Still’s Disease (AOSD) are manifestations of an autoinflammatory disorder with complex pathophysiology and significant morbidity, together also termed Still’s disease.Objectives:To investigate the optimal treat-to-target strategy for Still’s disease by in silico models based on systems biology.Methods:Molecular characteristics of Still’s disease and data on biological inhibitors of interleukin (IL)-1 (anakinra, canakinumab), IL-6 (tocilizumab, sarilumab), glucocorticoids as well as conventional disease-modifying anti-rheumatic drugs (DMARDs, methotrexate) were used to construct in silico mechanisms of action (MoA) models by means of Therapeutic Performance Mapping System technology (TPMS). TPMS combines artificial neuronal networks (ANN), sampling-based methods and artificial intelligence. The models were validated with publicly available expression data from sJIA patients (Fig.1).Figure 1.Schematic TPMS approach used to evaluate the Still’s disease treatments efficacy and their MoAResults:Biologicals demonstrated more pathophysiology-directed efficiency than non-biological drugs. IL-1 blockade mainly acts on the innate immune system, while IL-6 signaling blockade has a weaker activity on the innate immunity and rather affects the adaptive immunity (Table 1). The MoA models showed that the IL-1β inhibitor canakinumab is more efficient than the IL-6 receptor inhibiting antibody tocilizumab in the autoinflammatory/systemic phases of Still’s disease. MoA models reproduced 67% of the information obtained from expression data (Fig.2).Table 1.Summary of ANN scores. A) Global Still’s disease evaluation. B) Immune system component. ANN scores mean the probability of the resulted relationship is true positive: +++ correspond to values >78% (p-value<0.05); ++ correspond to values > 59% (p-values<0.15) and; + correspond to values > 38% (p-value<0.25)A) Still’s disease molecular definitionBiologicsNon-biologicsAnakinraCanakinumabSarilumabTocilizumabMethotrexatePrednisoneStill’s disease+++ (81%)+++ (86%)+++ (85%)+++ (85%)- (5%)++ (70%)Systemic profile+++ (80%)+++ (88%)+++ (85%)+++ (85%)- (4%)++ (70%)Rheumatic profile+++ (87%)+++ (92%)+++ (81%)+++ (81%)- (9%)++ (64%)B) Immune system componentsBiologicsNon-biologicsAnakinraCanakinumabSarilumabTocilizumabMethotrexatePrednisoneInnate immune system deregulation++ (71%)++ (71%)+ (55%)+ (55%)- (10%)++ (65%)Adaptive immune systemT-cell response activation+ (45%)- (37%)++ (71%)++ (71%)- (25%)+ (47%)Defective immune regulation- (19%)- (37%)+ (47%)+ (47%)- (15%)+ (50%)Figure 2.Systems biology-based MoA models of canakinumab and tocilizumab focused on innate immune system modulation. Canakinumab preferably modulates NF-κB, IL-8 (CXCL8), MyD88, S100A9 and ATG5, which are involved in processes of general innate immune inflammation, neutrophil recruitment, activation and autophagy, whereas tocilizumab preferably modulates FCGR1, which is involved in neutrophil activationConclusion:Systems biology-based modelling supported the preferred use of biologics as immunomodulatory treatment strategy for Still’s disease. This further encourages early IL-1β blockade in initial autoinflammatory/systemic phases of Still’s Disease to prevent the development of disease or drug-related complications. Further studies are needed to determine the optimal timeframe of the window of opportunity for canakinumab treatment.Disclosure of Interests: :Mireia Coma Grant/research support from: Novartis, Employee of: Anaxomics, Speakers bureau: Novartis, Cristina Segú-Vergés Grant/research support from: Novartis, Employee of: Anaxomics, Christoph Kessel: None declared, Serge Smeets Employee of: Novartis, Dirk Foell Grant/research support from: Novartis, Sobi, Pfizer, Speakers bureau: Novartis, Sobi, Anna Aldea Employee of: Novartis

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Objetivo: realizar revisão integrativa da literatura a respeito das doenças ocupacionais mais frequentes dentre os profissionais da Enfermagem. Métodos: A bibliografia foi pesquisada na base de dados Scielo através das palavras chave “doenças ocupacionais” e “enfermagem” com auxílio do boleano “and”, onde foram obtidos 255 artigos. Foram selecionados artigos dos últimos 20 anos, onde restaram 78 diretamente relacionados ao tema artigos, dos quais 30 foram selecionados através da leitura do título e resumo e 13 foram efetivamente utilizados para a construção desta revisão, além de 1 documento oficial, totalizando 14 referências. Resultados e Conclusões: Mais estudos são necessários para que se permita refletir e conhecer ainda mais acerca da realidade dos riscos ocupacionais aos que estão expostos os profissionais de saúde, especialmente os trabalhadores da Enfermagem, o que irá contribuir para que a discussão a respeito do tema seja ampliada e se traduza em ações verdadeiramente voltadas para a busca de condições de trabalho dignas para tal categoria, garantindo assim a manutenção da qualidade de vida dos profissionais.Descritores: Doenças Profissionais; Enfermagem; Saúde do Trabalhador.ReferênciasBrasil. Doença ocupacional. Brasília : Senado Federal, Coordenação de Edições Técnicas, 2016.Monteiro AL, Bertagni FS. Acidentes de trabalho e doenças ocupacionais. 8 ed., São Paulo: Saraiva, 2016.Canales-Vergara M, Valenzuela-Suazo S, Paravic-Klijn T. Condiciones de trabajo de los profesionales de enfermería en Chile M. Enferm univ. 2016;13(3):178-86.Segre M, Ferraz FC. O conceito de saúde. Rev. Saúde Pública. 1997;31(5):538-42.Carvalho LVB, Costa-Amaral IC, Mattos RCOC, Larentis AL. Exposição ocupacional a substâncias químicas, fatores socioeconômicos e Saúde do Trabalhador: uma visão integrada. Saúde debate. 2017;41(Esp):313-26.Silva A, Ferraz L, Rodrigues-Júnior SA. Ações em Saúde do Trabalhador desenvolvidas na Atenção Primária no município de Chapecó, Santa Catarina Rev bras saude ocup. 2016;41:e16.Magalhães FJ, Mendonça LBA, Rebouças CBA, Lima FET, Custodio IL, Oliveira SC. Fatores de risco para doenças cardiovasculares em profissionais de enfermagem: estratégias de promoção da saúde, Rev Bras Enferm. 2014;67(3):394-400.Mori EC, Naghettini AV. Formação de médicos e enfermeiros da estratégia Saúde da Família no aspecto da saúde do trabalhador Rev Esc Enferm USP · 2016;50(spe):25-31Fernandes MA, Marziale MHP. Riscos ocupacionais e adoecimento de trabalhadores em saúde mental. Acta paul enferm. 2014; 27(6):539-47.Nazario EG, Camponogara S, Dias GL. Riscos ocupacionais e adesão a precauções-padrão no trabalho de enfermagem em terapia intensiva: percepções de trabalhadores. Rev bras saude ocup. 2017;42:e7Campos ICM, Angélicos AP, Oliveira MS, Oliveira DCR. Fatores Sociodemográficos e Ocupacionais Associados à Síndrome de Burnout em Profissionais de Enfermagem. Psicol Reflex Crit. 2015;28(4):764-71.Shoji S, Souza NVDO, Farias SNP, Vieira MLC, Progianti JM. Proposta de melhoria das condições de trabalho em uma unidade ambulatorial: perspectiva da enfermagem Esc Anna Nery. 2016;20(2):303-9. Dalri RCMB, Robazzi MLCC, Silva LA. Riscos ocupacionais e alterações de saúde entre trabalhadores de enfermagem brasileiros de unidades de urgência e emergência. Cienc enferm. 2010;16(2):69-81.Silva DMPP, Marziale MHP. Condições de trabalho versus absenteísmo-doença no trabalho de enfermagem. Ciênc cuid saúde. 2006;5(suppl):166-72.

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Este artigo reflete sobre a recriação textual como apropriação e/ou (re)construção de formas e temas de outras obras para a composição de outro texto na relação texto-base (primitivo) e texto parodiado ou parafraseado (derivados) e nisso a demarcação das fronteiras entre o imaginário e o simbólico. Segue-se a linha da literatura comparada onde o texto pode ser produzido a partir do diálogo, do hibridismo, de trocas e de retomadas em que a máscara investe na duplicidade no plano do conteúdo e na percepção e significação no plano da interlocução do discurso. Igualmente, serve-se da Semiótica no sentido de que no signo o antecedente-expressão mostra-se no corpo-objeto ou no corpo-sujeito no ato do destruir para (re)construir, de reler para reescrever ao usar o duplo na linguagem e no sentido nas teses da máscara em Josef; dos espelhos em Eco; do “empoderamento” em Foucault, da desconstrução em Culler, da carnavalização em Kristeva e da recriação intertextual em Sant´Anna, Dixon e Weschefelder. E isso aplicado nos contos de Ovídio (A beleza de Narciso) como texto primitivo para a paródia de Machado de Assis (O espelho) e este em diálogo parafrásico com O espelho, de Guimarães Rosa. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Recriação intertextual; Literatura comparada; Semiótica.

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Sinopse:Preto velho é uma categoria nativa, com a qual se denomina pessoas negras das épocas passadas no municipio de Codó, estado do Maranhão, Brasil. A noção dos pretos velhos funciona também como uma descrição étnica, como o selo do modo de vida tradicional, em grande medida autossuficiente e baseada em um bom entendimento do meio natural. Entretanto, não somente as formas de subsistência, mas também a filosofia de vida e a lógica que a guiava eram os atributos dos pretos velhos. Se entrelaçavam aqui a crença sobre a importância para as pessoas humanas da força e dos encantados (seres ou entes invisíveis da floresta), com os saberes sobre a natureza. A vida dos indivíduos e das comunidades eram construídas em função do poder de negociação com estas entidades “sobrenaturais”, estabelecendo-se relações de parentesco entre eles e os pretos velhos.Da mesma forma, a noção dos pretos velhos funciona, hoje em dia, como um marco temporal simbólico, pois faz referência ao passado e à ruptura. Os conflitos agrários, que se deram no município de Codó a partir dos anos 70 do século XX, acabaram praticamente com as comunidades negras tradicionais na região. A selva, que cobria antes todo o município, converteu-se em um gigantesco espaço de exploração pecuária. Os negros e as negras da zona rural, em sua maioria expulsos de suas terras, foram viver na cidade, desaparecendo com isto, paulatinamente, o modo de vida próprio dos pretos velhos. Um número extremamente reduzido das comunidades segue lutando por sua continuidade em um mutável, ainda que nunca realmente favorável para as pessoas negras, ambiente político do país. Pode-se observa ainda a persistência dos mesmos problemas já existentes nas épocas dos pretos velhos, situando-se em primeira linha a falta de legalização do acesso às terras ocupadas pelas comunidades negras.Também, atualmente, a denominação dos pretos velhos chegou a ser traduzida nas categorias locais à dos remanescentes de quilombos. A identidade política à que foi transmitida a descendência étnica próprias dos negros do município de Codó dialoga aqui com seu legado histórico. Revaloriza os elementos identitários dos pretos velhos à luz de seu potencial como vetores para uma melhor inclusão social. Positiviza, de certo modo, o passado e, com isto, os saberes e os fazeres dos pretos velhos. Estes ganham uma nova leitura, atualizados de acordo com o discurso do movimento quilombola presente - movimento etnopolítico dos negros que lutam por seus direitos territoriais. À continuação, o debate reivindicativo contemporâneo das pessoas negras do município de Codó sobre seu acesso aos direitos como cidadãos atravessa a revisão das memórias sobre os pretos velhos.O presente ensaio surge de uma maneira paralela à recompilação dos dados de campo no período da pesquisa doutoral em antropología, culminando com a defesa da tese intitulada: “A cor da (in)visibilidade. As comunidades negras do Brasil e as políticas de reconhecimento”. Desenvolvido e apresentado na Universidade de Barcelona, Espanha, o estudo discute o caráter das novas políticas para as comunidades remanescentes de quilombos e seu reflexo nas realidades locais do município de Codó. Debate-se a seletividade na hora da admissão dos grupos nas políticas para remanescente de quilombos e sua natureza bastante exclusiva. Observa-se, ao mesmo tempo, as continuidades e as descontinuidades na construção identitária dos atuais quilombolas do município de Codó. Neste sentido, a categoria dos pretos velhos surge como uma noção imprescindível para poder manejar os discursos locais sobre a negritude, tão importante para entender o presente político e social da região.sinopsis:Pretos velhos- negros viejos- es una categoría nativa, con la que se denomina a la gente negra de las épocas pasadas en el municipio de Codó, Estado de Marnhao, Brasil. La noción de los pretos velhos funciona asímismo como una descripción étnica, como el sello del modo de vida tradicional, en gran medida autosuficiente y basado en un buen entendimiento del medio natural. Pero no solamente las formas de subsistencia, sino que también la filosofía de vida y la lógica que la guíaba eran los atributos de los pretos velhos. Se entrelazaba aquí la creencia sobre la importancia para las personas humanas de la fuerza y de los encantados (seres o entes invisibles de la floresta ), con los saberes sobre la naturaleza. La vida de los individuos y de las comunidades era construída en función del poder de negociación con estas entidades “sobrenaturales”, estableciéndose relaciones de parentesco entre éstos y los pretos velhos.Igualmente, la noción de los pretos velhos funciona hoy en día como un marco temporal simbólico, pues hace referencia al pasado y a la ruptura. Los conflictos agrarios que se dieron en el municipio de Codó a partir de los años 70 del siglo XX, acabaron prácticamente con las comunidades negras tradicionales en la región. La selva que cubría antes todo el municipio se ha convertido en un gigantesco espacio de explotación pecuaria. Los negros y las negras de la zona rural-en su mayoría expulsados de sus tierras- se fueron a vivir en la ciudad, desapareciendo así paulatinamente el modo de vida propio de los pretos velhos. Un número extremadamente reducido de las comunidades sigue luchando por su continuidad en un cambiante, aunque nunca realmente favorable para la gente negra, ambiente político del país. Se puede observar todavía la persistencia de los mismos problemas ya existentes en las épocas de los pretos velhos, situándose en primera línea la falta de legalización del acceso a las tierras ocupadas por las comunidades negrasActualmente la denominanción pretos velhos ha llegado a ser traducida- en las categorías locales- a la de los remanentes de quilombos. La identidad política a la que ha sido trasmitida la descendencia étnica propia de los negros del municipio de Codó dialoga aquí con su legado histórico. Revaloriza los elementos identitarios de los pretos velhos a la luz de su potencial como vectores para una mejor inclusión social. Positiviza, en cierto modo, el pasado y con esto los saberes y los haceres de los pretos velhos. Éstos ganan una nueva lectura, actualizados de acuerdo con el discurso del movimiento quilombola presente- movimiento etnopolítico de los negros que luchan por sus derechos territoriales. A continuación, el debate reivindicativo contemporáneo de la gente negra del municipio de Codó sobre su acceso a los derechos como ciudadanos atraviesa la revisión de las memorias sobre los pretos velhos.El presente ensayo surge de una manera paralela a la recopilación de los datos de campo en el periodo de la investigación doctoral en la antropología, culminado con la tesis titulada: “El color de la (in)visibilidad. Las comunidades negras de Brasil y las políticas de reconocimiento.” El estudio debate la selectividad a la hora de la admisión de los grupos en las políticas para los remanentes de quilombos y su naturaleza bastante exclusiva. Se observa, al mismo tiempo, las continuidades y las discontinuidades en la construcción identitaria de los actuales quilombolas del municipio de Codó. En éste sentido, la categoría de los pretos velhos surge como una noción imprescindible para poder manejar los discursos locales sobre la negritud, tan importante para entender el presente político y social de la región.Palabras-chave:populações vulneráveis; enfermagem; saúde coletiva; comunidadePalabras Clavevulnerable populations; nursing; collective health; communityFicha técnica:Autora:Anna KurowickaFotografias: Anna KurowickaDireção, Edição de Imagem e Texto: Anna KurowickaFicha técnica:Autora:Anna KurowickaFotografía:Anna KurowickaDirección:Anna Kurowicka

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Em 2019, cerca de 1,3 milhão de pessoas perderam suas vidas nas estradas, e 50 milhões de pessoas ficaram feridas – e essa é uma situação recorrente há vários anos.1 O risco de morrer em um acidente de trânsito é muito maior para os usuários vulneráveis – pedestres, ciclistas e motociclistas – do que para ocupantes do carro (WHO, 2018). No Brasil, os sinistros de trânsito mantêm-se como um grande problema social. Em 2017, morreram 38.651 pessoas em decorrência dos acidentes, o que coloca o nosso país em terceiro lugar no ranking mundial de mortes em acidentes de trânsito (WHO, 2018). Em termos econômicos, o Ipea estimou em cerca de R$ 60 bilhões o custo dos acidentes no país em 2014 (Ipea, 2015). Estudos mais recentes, no entanto, apontam valores ainda maiores. Ferreira (2020) estimou, para o período 2007- 2018, em R$ 1,584 trilhão – ou uma média de R$ 130 bilhões ao ano – os custos dos acidentes no Brasil. Esses custos se dividem entre custos aos cofres públicos e privados. São custos crescentes que impactam os serviços de saúde e deterioram as finanças públicas. Globalmente, as lesões causadas pelo trânsito são, sem dúvida, um grande problema de saúde pública (Belin, Tillgren e Vedung, 2012), entretanto não têm recebido atenção suficiente por parte do governo. Apesar dos grandes custos sociais e econômicos, a quantidade de investimento em pesquisa e desenvolvimento de segurança no trânsito é pequena em comparação com outros tipos de perda de saúde (WHO, 2004). Nos últimos dez anos, houve um esforço global para colocar a segurança do trânsito no centro do debate, com a adesão de diversos países à chamada Década de Ação pela Segurança Viária (2011-2020), cujo objetivo era reduzir em 50% as taxas de mortalidade no trânsito. O Brasil, um dos países signatários, se propôs a adotar uma série de políticas e medidas, como campanhas para prevenção de acidentes, redução dos limites de velocidade, melhorias de infraestrutura etc. Concretamente, entretanto, poucos foram os esforços para alcançar esse objetivo. Em um deles, o governo federal lançou, em 2011, a campanha do Pacto Nacional pela Redução de Acidentes (Parada), com a finalidade de promover ações de conscientização sobre a segurança no trânsito. Esse pacto tinha como meta reduzir em, no mínimo, 50% o número de vítimas no trânsito até 2020. Embora seja observável uma tendência decrescente das mortes por acidentes em algumas capitais nesse período, como é o caso de Aracaju, Porto Velho, São Paulo, Belo Horizonte, Salvador e Maceió, que reduziram em mais de 40%, quando olhamos em escala nacional, vemos que o país ainda anda a passos muito lentos. Além disso, há fatores externos que podem estar atrelados a essa redução, como a menor circulação de veículos nesse mesmo período, em decorrência da crise econômica vivenciada no país. Segundo o Observatório Nacional de Segurança Viária, 90% dos acidentes ocorrem por falhas humanas. Essa constatação parte da visão tradicional de segurança do trânsito, que atribui ao indivíduo todo o ônus dos acidentes, o que leva às medidas de segurança no trânsito se concentrarem na adaptação do indivíduo ao sistema de transporte rodoviário, em vez de adaptar o sistema de transporte rodoviário ao indivíduo e suas limitações (Belin, Tillgren e Vedung, 2012). Uma inovação consiste na política de Visão Zero, originada nos anos 1990 na Suécia. Essa política tem como objetivo de longo prazo para a segurança no transporte prevenir que ninguém morra ou machuque-se permanentemente em acidentes de transporte (Elvik, 2009). Tal ideia inova ao ampliar a responsabilidade atribuída aos usuários das vias, que passam a demandar de servidores públicos e políticos eleitos melhorias na segurança viária (McAndrews, 2013). Esse deslocamento do centro do problema – que deixa de ser visto como individual e passa a ser tratado como algo sistêmico e coletivo – permite um redirecionamento das políticas de prevenção, de modo que os formuladores de políticas públicas, as instituições do sistema de transporte e os responsáveis pelo desenho das vias se tornam atores fundamentais para a redução das mortes e lesões graves no trânsito. Partindo dessa nova abordagem, segue-se a necessidade de construir uma capacidade pública interdisciplinar, a fim de se desenhar, implementar e avaliar políticas de prevenção de acidentes no Brasil. As políticas para a prevenção de acidentes de trânsito precisam ser baseadas em dados e informações objetivas para que se tornem eficazes.

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Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)The Screen would light up. They would feel a thrill of satisfaction. But the colours had faded with age, the picture wobbled on the screen, the women were of another age; they would come out they would be sad. It was not the film they had dreamt of. It was not the total film each of them had inside himself, the perfect film they could have enjoyed forever and ever. The film they would have liked to make. Or, more secretly, no doubt, the film they would have liked to live. (Perec 57) Over the years that I have watched and thought about Jean-Luc Godard’s films I have been struck by the idea of him as an artist who works with the moving image and perhaps just as importantly the idea of cinema as an irresolvable series of problems. Most obviously this ‘problematic condition’ of Godard’s practice is evidenced in the series of crises and renunciations that pepper the historical trace of his work. A trace that is often characterised thus: criticism, the Nouvelle Vague, May 1968, the Dziga Vertov group, the adoption of video, the return to narrative form, etc. etc. Of all these events it is the rejection of both the dominant cinematic narrative form and its attendant models of production that so clearly indicated the depth and intensity of Godard’s doubt in the artistic viability of the institution of cinema. Historically and ideologically congruent with the events of May 1968, this turning away from tradition was foreshadowed by the closing titles of his 1967 opus Week End: fin de cinema (the end of cinema). Godard’s relentless application to the task of engaging a more discursive and politically informed mode of operation had implications not only for the films that were made in the wake of his disavowal of cinema but also for those that preceded it. In writing this paper it was my initial intention to selectively consider the vast oeuvre of the filmmaker as a type of conceptual project that has in some way been defined by the condition of doubt. While to certain degree I have followed this remit, I have found it necessary to focus on a small number of historically correspondent filmic instances to make my point. The sheer size and complexity of Godard’s output would effectively doom any other approach to deal in generalities. To this end I am interested in the ways that these films have embodied doubt as both an aesthetic and philosophical position. There is an enduring sense of contentiousness that surrounds both the work and perceived motives of the filmmaker Jean-Luc Godard that has never come at the cost of discourse. Through a period of activity that now stretches into its sixth decade Godard has shaped an oeuvre that is as stylistically diverse as it is theoretically challenging. This span of practice is noteworthy not only for its sheer length but for its enduring ability to polarise both audiences and critical opinion. Indeed these opposing critical positions are so well inscribed in our historical understanding of Godard’s practice that they function as a type of secondary narrative. It is a narrative that the artist himself has been more than happy to cultivate and at times even engage. One hardly needs to be reminded that Godard came to making films as a critic. He asserted in the pages of his former employer Cahiers du Cinema in 1962 that “As a critic, I thought of myself as a filmmaker. Today I still think of myself as a critic, and in a sense I am, more than ever before. Instead of writing criticism, I make a film, but the critical dimension is subsumed” (59). If Godard did at this point in time believe that the criticality of practice as a filmmaker was “subsumed”, the ensuing years would see a more overt sense of criticality emerge in his work. By 1968 he was to largely reject both traditional cinematic form and production models in a concerted effort to explore the possibilities of a revolutionary cinema. In the same interview the director went on to extol the virtues of the cine-literacy that to a large part defined the loose alignment of Nouvelle Vague directors (Chabrol, Godard, Rohmer, Rivette, Truffaut) referred to as the Cahiers group claiming that “We were the first directors to know that Griffiths exists” (Godard 60). It is a statement that is as persuasive as it is dramatic, foregrounding the hitherto obscured history of cinema while positioning the group firmly within its master narrative. However, given the benefit of hindsight one realises that perhaps the filmmaker’s motives were not as simple as historical posturing. For Godard what is at stake is not just the history of cinema but cinema itself. When he states that “We were thinking cinema and at a certain moment we felt the need to extend that thought” one is struck by how far and for how long he has continued to think about and through cinema. In spite of the hours of strict ideological orthodoxy that accompanied his most politically informed works of the late 1960s and early 1970s or the sustained sense of wilful obtuseness that permeates his most “difficult” work, there is a sense of commitment to extending “that thought” that is without peer. The name “Godard”, in the words of the late critic Serge Daney, “designates an auteur but it is also synonymous with a tenacious passion for that region of the world of images we call the cinema” (Daney 68). It is a passion that is both the crux of his practice as an artist and the source of a restless experimentation and interrogation of the moving image. For Godard the passion of cinema is one that verges on religiosity. This carries with it all the philosophical and spiritual implications that the term implies. Cinema functions here as a system of signs that at once allows us to make sense of and live in the world. But this is a faith for Godard that is nothing if not tested. From the radical formal experimentation of his first feature film À Bout de soufflé (Breathless) onwards Godard has sought to place the idea of cinema in doubt. In this sense doubt becomes a type of critical engine that at once informs the shape of individual works and animates the constantly shifting positions the artist has occupied. Serge Daney's characterisation of the Nouvelle Vague as possessed of a “lucidity tinged with nostalgia” (70) is especially pertinent in understanding the way in which doubt came to animate Godard’s practice across the 1960s and beyond. Daney’s contention that the movement was both essentially nostalgic and saturated with an acute awareness that the past could not be recreated, casts the cinema itself as type of irresolvable proposition. Across the dazzling arc of films (15 features in 8 years) that Godard produced prior to his renunciation of narrative cinematic form in 1967, one can trace an unravelling of faith. During this period we can consider Godard's work and its increasingly complex engagement with the political as being predicated by the condition of doubt. The idea of the cinema as an industrial and social force increasingly permeates this work. For Godard the cinema becomes a site of questioning and ultimately reinvention. In his 1963 short film Le Grand Escroc (The Great Rogue) a character asserts that “cinema is the most beautiful fraud in the world”. Indeed it is this sense of the paradoxical that shadows much of his work. The binary of beauty and fraud, like that of faith and doubt, calls forth a questioning of the cinema that stands to this day. It is of no small consequence that so many of Godard’s 1960s works contain scenes of people watching films within the confines of a movie theatre. For Godard and his Nouvelle Vague peers the sale de cinema was both the hallowed site of cinematic reception and the terrain of the everyday. It is perhaps not surprising then he chooses the movie theatre as a site to play out some of his most profound engagements with the cinema. Considered in relation to each other these scenes of cinematic viewing trace a narrative in which an undeniable affection for the cinema is undercut by both a sense of loss and doubt. Perhaps the most famous of Godard’s ‘viewing’ scenes is from the film Vivre Sa Vie (My Life to Live). Essentially a tale of existential trauma, the film follows the downward spiral of a young woman Nana (played by Anna Karina) into prostitution and then death at the hands of ruthless pimps. Championed (with qualifications) by Susan Sontag as a “perfect film” (207), it garnered just as many detractors, including famously the director Roberto Rosellini, for what was perceived to be its nihilistic content and overly stylised form. Seeking refuge in a cinema after being cast out from her apartment for non payment of rent the increasingly desperate Nana is shown engrossed in the starkly silent images of Carl Dreyer’s 1928 film La Passion de Jeanne d’Arc (The Passion of Joan of Arc). Godard cuts from the action of his film to quote at length from Dreyer’s classic, returning from the mute intensity of Maria Faloconetti’s portrayal of the condemned Joan of Arc to Karina’s enraptured face. As Falconetti’s tears swell and fall so do Karina’s, the emotional rawness of the performance on the screen mirrored and internalised by the doomed character of Nana. Nana’s identification with that of the screen heroine is at once total and immaculate as her own brutal death at the hands of men is foretold. There is an ominous silence to this sequence that serves not only to foreground the sheer visual intensity of what is being shown but also to separate it from the world outside this purely cinematic space. However, if we are to read this scene as a testament to the power of the cinematic we must also admit to the doubt that resides within it. Godard’s act of separation invites us to consider the scene not only as a meditation on the emotional and existential state of the character of Nana but also on the foreshortened possibilities of the cinema itself. As Godard’s shots mirror those of Dreyer we are presented with a consummate portrait of irrevocable loss. This is a complex system of imagery that places Dreyer’s faith against Godard’s doubt without care for the possibility of resolution. Of all Godard’s 1960s films that feature cinema spectatorship the sequence belonging to Masculin Féminin (Masculine Feminine) from 1966 is perhaps the most confounding and certainly the most digressive. A series of events largely driven by a single character’s inability or unwillingness to surrender to the projected image serve to frustrate, fracture and complexify the cinema-viewing experience. It is however, a viewing experience that articulates the depth of Godard’s doubt in the viability of the cinematic form. The sequence, like much of the film itself, centres on the trials of the character Paul played by Jean-Pierre Léaud. Locked in a struggle against the pop-cultural currents of the day and the attendant culture of consumption and appearances, Paul is positioned within the film as a somewhat conflicted and ultimately doomed romantic. His relationship with Madeleine played by real life yé-yé singer Chantal Goya is a source of constant anxiety. The world that he inhabits, however marginally, of nightclubs, pop records and publicity seems philosophically at odds with the classical music and literature that he avidly devours. If the cinema-viewing scene of Vivre Sa Vie is defined by the enraptured intensity of Anna Karina’s gaze, the corresponding scene in Masculin Féminin stands, at least initially, as the very model of distracted spectatorship. As the film in the theatre starts, Paul who has been squeezed out of his seat next to Madeleine by her jealous girlfriend, declares that he needs to go to the toilet. On entering the bathroom he is confronted by the sight of a pair of men locked in a passionate kiss. It is a strange and disarming turn of events that prompts his hastily composed graffiti response: down with the republic of cowards. For theorist Nicole Brenez the appearance of these male lovers “is practically a fantasmatic image evoked by the amorous situation that Paul is experiencing” (Brenez 174). This quasi-spectral appearance of embracing lovers and grafitti writing is echoed in the following sequence where Paul once again leaves the theatre, this time to fervently inform the largely indifferent theatre projectionist about the correct projection ratio of the film being shown. On his graffiti strewn journey back inside Paul encounters an embracing man and woman nestled in an outer corner of the theatre building. Silent and motionless the presence of this intertwined couple is at once unsettling and prescient providing “a background real for what is being projected inside on the screen” (Brenez 174). On returning to the theatre Paul asks Madeleine to fill him in on what he has missed to which she replies, “It is about a man and woman in a foreign city who…”. Shot in Stockholm to appease the Swedish co-producers that stipulated that part of the production be made in Sweden, the film within a film occupies a fine line between restrained formal artfulness and p*rnographic violence. What could have been a creatively stifling demand on the part of his financial backers was inverted by Godard to become a complex exploration of power relations played out through an unsettling sexual encounter. When questioned on set by a Swedish television reporter what the film was about the filmmaker curtly replied, “The film has a lot to do with sex and the Swedish are known for that” (Masculin Féminin). The film possesses a barely concealed undertow of violence. A drama of resistance and submission is played out within the confines of a starkly decorated apartment. The apartment itself is a zone in which language ceases to operate or at the least is reduced to its barest components. The man’s imploring grunts are met with the woman’s repeated reply of “no”. What seemingly begins as a homage to the contemporaneous work of Swedish director Ingmar Bergman quickly slides into a chronicle of coercion. As the final scene of seduction/debasem*nt is played out on the screen the camera pulls away to reveal the captivated gazes of Madeleine and her friends. It finally rests on Paul who then shuts his eyes, unable to bear what is being shown on the screen. It is a moment of refusal that marks a turning away not only from this projected image but from cinema itself. A point made all the clearer by Paul’s voiceover that accompanies the scene: We went to the movies often. The screen would light up and we would feel a thrill. But Madeleine and I were usually disappointed. The images were dated and jumpy. Marilyn Monroe had aged badly. We felt sad. It wasn't the movie of our dreams. It wasn't that total film we carried inside ourselves. That film we would have liked to make. Or, more secretly, no doubt the film we wanted to live. (Masculin Féminin) There was a dogged relentlessness to Godard’s interrogation of the cinema through the very space of its display. 1963’s Le Mépris (Contempt) swapped the public movie theatre for the private screening room; a theatrette emblazoned with the words Il cinema é un’invenzione senza avvenire. The phrase, presented in a style that recalled Soviet revolutionary graphics, is an Italian translation of Louis Lumiere’s 1895 appraisal of his new creation: “The cinema is an invention without a future.” The words have an almost physical presence in the space providing a fatalistic backdrop to the ensuing scene of conflict and commerce. As an exercise in self reflexivity it at once serves to remind us that even at its inception the cinema was cast in doubt. In Le Mépris the pleasures of spectatorship are played against the commercial demands of the cinema as industry. Following a screening of rushes for a troubled production of Homer’s Odyssey a tempestuous exchange ensues between a hot-headed producer (Jeremy Prokosch played by Jack Palance) and a calmly philosophical director (Fritz Lang as himself). It is a scene that attests to Godard’s view of the cinema as an art form that is creatively compromised by its own modes of production. In a film that plays the disintegration of a relationship against the production of a movie and that features a cast of Germans, Italians and French it is of no small consequence that the movie producer is played by an American. An American who, when faced with a creative impasse, utters the phrase “when I hear the word culture I bring out my checkbook”. It is one of Godard’s most acerbic and doubt filled sequences pitting as he does the implied genius of Lang against the tantrum throwing demands of the rapacious movie producer. We are presented with a model of industrial relations that is both creatively stifling and practically unworkable. Certainly it was no coincidence that Le Mépris had the biggest budget ($1 million) that Godard has ever worked with. In Godard’s 1965 film Une Femme Mariée (A Married Woman), he would once again use the movie theatre as a location. The film, which dealt with the philosophical implications of an adulterous affair, is also notable for its examination of the Holocaust and that defining event’s relationship to personal and collective memory. Biographer Richard Brody has observed that, “Godard introduced the Auschwitz trial into The Married Woman (sic) as a way of inserting his view of another sort of forgetting that he suggested had taken hold of France—the conjoined failures of historical and personal memory that resulted from the world of mass media and the ideology of gratification” (Brody 196-7). Whatever the causes, there is a pervading sense of amnesia that surrounds the Holocaust in the film. In one exchange the character of Charlotte, the married woman in question, momentarily confuses Auschwitz with thalidomide going on to later exclaim that “the past isn’t fun”. But like the barely repressed memories of her past indiscretions, the Holocaust returns at the most unexpected juncture in the film. In what starts out as Godard’s most overt reference to the work of Alfred Hitchco*ck, Charlotte and her lover secretly meet under the cover of darkness in a movie theatre. Each arriving separately and kitted out in dark sunglasses, there is breezy energy to this clandestine rendezvous highly reminiscent of the work of the great director. It is a stylistic point that is underscored in the film by the inclusion of a full-frame shot of Hitchco*ck’s portrait in the theatre’s foyer. However, as the lovers embrace the curtain rises on Alain Resnais’s 1955 documentary Nuit et Brouillard (Night and Fog). The screen is filled with images of barbed wire as the voice of narrator Jean Cayrol informs the audience that “even a vacation village with a fair and a steeple can lead very simply to a concentration camp.” It is an incredibly shocking moment, in which the repressed returns to confirm that while memory “isn’t fun”, it is indeed necessary. An uncanny sense of recognition pervades the scene as the two lovers are faced with the horrendous evidence of a past that refuses to stay subsumed. The scene is all the more powerful for the seemingly casual manner it is relayed. There is no suspenseful unveiling or affected gauging of the viewers’ reactions. What is simply is. In this moment of recognition the Hitchco*ckian mood of the anticipation of an illicit rendezvous is supplanted by a numbness as swift as it is complete. Needless to say the couple make a swift retreat from the now forever compromised space of the theatre. Indeed this scene is one of the most complex and historically layered of any that Godard had produced up to this point in his career. By making overt reference to Hitchco*ck he intimates that the cinema itself is deeply implicated in this perceived crisis of memory. What begins as a homage to the work of one of the most valorised influences of the Nouvelle Vague ends as a doubt filled meditation on the shortcomings of a system of representation. The question stands: how do we remember through the cinema? In this regard the scene signposts a line of investigation that would become a defining obsession of Godard’s expansive Histoire(s) du cinéma, a project that was to occupy him throughout the 1990s. Across four chapters and four and half hours Histoire(s) du cinéma examines the inextricable relationship between the history of the twentieth century and the cinema. Comprised almost completely of filmic quotations, images and text, the work employs a video-based visual language that unremittingly layers image upon image to dissolve and realign the past. In the words of theorist Junji Hori “Godard's historiography in Histoire(s) du cinéma is based principally on the concept of montage in his idiosyncratic sense of the term” (336). In identifying montage as the key strategy in Histoire(s) du cinéma Hori implicates the cinema itself as central to both Godard’s process of retelling history and remembering it. However, it is a process of remembering that is essentially compromised. Just as the relationship of the cinema to the Holocaust is bought into question in Une Femme Mariée, so too it becomes a central concern of Histoire(s) du cinéma. It is Godard’s assertion “that the cinema failed to honour its ethical commitment to presenting the unthinkable barbarity of the Nazi extermination camps” (Temple 332). This was a failure that for Godard moved beyond the realm of doubt to represent “nothing less than the end of cinema” (Brody 512). In October 1976 the New Yorker magazine published a profile of Jean Luc Godard by Penelope Gilliatt a writer who shared the post of film critic at the magazine with Pauline Kael. The article was based on an interview that took place at Godard’s production studio in Grenoble Switzerland. It was notable for two things: Namely, the most succinct statement that Godard has made regarding the enduring sense of criticality that pervades his work: “A good film is a matter of questions properly put.” (74) And secondly, surely the shortest sentence ever written about the filmmaker: “Doubt stands.” (77)ReferencesÀ Bout de soufflé. Dir. Jean Luc Godard. 1960. DVD. Criterion, 2007. Brenez, Nicole. “The Forms of the Question.” For Ever Godard. Eds. Michael Temple, James S. Williams, and Michael Witt. London: Black Dog, 2004. Brody, Richard. Everything Is Cinema: The Working Life of Jean-Luc Godard. New York: Metropolitan Books / Henry Holt & Co., 2008. Daney, Serge. “The Godard Paradox.” For Ever Godard. Eds. Michael Temple, James S. Williams, and Michael Witt. London: Black Dog, 2004. Gilliat, Penelope. “The Urgent Whisper.” Jean-Luc Godard Interviews. Ed. David Sterritt. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998. Godard, Jean-Luc. “Jean-Luc Godard: 'From Critic to Film-Maker': Godard in Interview (extracts). ('Entretien', Cahiers du Cinema 138, December 1962).” Cahiers du Cinéma: 1960-1968 New Wave, New Cinema, Reevaluating Hollywood. Ed. Jim Hillier. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986. Histoires du Cinema. Dir. and writ. Jean Luc Godard. 1988-98. DVD, Artificial Eye, 2008. Hori, Junji. “Godard’s Two Histiographies.” For Ever Godard. Eds. Michael Temple, James S. Williams, and Michael Witt. London: Black Dog, 2004. Le Grand Escroc. Dir. Jean Luc Godard. Perf. Jean Seberg. Film. Ulysse Productions, 1963. Le Mépris. Dir. Jean Luc Godard. Perf. Jack Palance, Fritz Lang. 1964. DVD. Criterion, 2002. La Passion de Jeanne d’Arc. Dir. Carl Theodor Dreyer. Film. Janus films, 1928. MacCabe, Colin. Godard: A Portrait of the Artist at 70. London: Bloomsbury, 2003. Masculin Féminin. Dir. and writ. Jean Luc Godard. Perf. Jean-Pierre Léaud. 1966. DVD. Criterion, 2005. Nuit et Brouillard. Dir Alain Resnais. Film. Janus Films, 1958. Perec, Georges. Things: A Story of the Sixties. Trans. David Bellos. London: Collins Harvill, 1990. (Originally published 1965.) Sontag, Susan. “Godard’s Vivre Sa Vie.” Against Interpretation and Other Essays. New York: Picador, 2001. Temple, Michael, James S. Williams, and Michael Witt, eds. For Ever Godard. London: Black Dog, 2004. Une Femme Mariée. Dir. and writ. Jean Luc Godard. Perf. Macha Meril. 1964. DVD. Eureka, 2009. Vivre Sa Vie. Dir. and writ. Jean Luc Godard. Perf. Anna Karina. 1962. DVD. Criterion, 2005. Week End, Dir. and writ. Jean Luc Godard. 1967. DVD. Distinction Series, 2005.

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Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific co*cktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific co*cktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. The Higher Taste: A Guide to Gourmet Vegetarian Cooking and a Karma-Free Diet, over 60 Famous Hare Krishna Recipes. Botany, NSW: Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, 1987. Brinsden, Hannah C., Feng J. He, Katharine H. Jenner, & Graham A. MacGregor. “Surveys of the Salt Content in UK Bread: Progress Made and Further Reductions Possible.” British Medical Journal Open 3.6 (2013). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/3/6/e002936.full›. Coughlan, Andy. “In Good Taste.” New Scientist 2223 (2000): 11. Dare, Julie, Leesa Costello, and Lelia Green. “Nutritional Narratives: Examining Perspectives on Plant Based Diets in the Context of Dominant Western Discourse”. Proceedings of the 2013 Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference. Ed. In Terence Lee, Kathryn Trees, and Renae Desai. Fremantle, Western Australia, 3-5 Jul. 2013. 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.anzca.net/conferences/past-conferences/159.html›. Getz, Christy, and Aimee Shreck. “What Organic and Fair Trade Labels Do Not Tell Us: Towards a Place‐Based Understanding of Certification.” International Journal of Consumer Studies 30.5 (2006): 490–501. Glanz, Karen, Michael Basil, Edward Maibach, Jeanne Goldberg, & Dan Snyder. “Why Americans Eat What They Do: Taste, Nutrition, Cost, Convenience, and Weight Control Concerns as Influences on Food Consumption.” Journal of the American Dietetic Association 98.10 (1988): 1118–1126. Green, Lelia, Leesa Costello, and Julie Dare. “Veganism, Health Expectancy, and the Communication of Sustainability.” Australian Journal of Communication 37.3 (2010): 87–102 Guthman, Julie. Agrarian Dreams: the Paradox of Organic Farming in California. Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: U of California P, 2004 Guthrie, John, Anna Guthrie, Rob Lawson, & Alan Cameron. “Farmers’ Markets: The Small Business Counter-Revolution in Food Production and Retailing.” British Food Journal 108.7 (2006): 560–573. Hall, Colin Michael, and Liz Sharples. Eds. Food and Wine Festivals and Events Around the World: Development, Management and Markets. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2008. Hamzelou, Jessica. “Taste Bud Trickery Needed to Cut Salt Intake.” New Scientist 2799 (2011): 11. Japan Patent Office. History of Industrial Property Rights, Ten Japanese Great Inventors: Kikunae Ikeda: Sodium Glutamate. Tokyo: Japan Patent Office, 2002. L’Abbé, Mary R., S. Stender, C. M. Skeaff, Ghafoorunissa, & M. Tavella. “Approaches to Removing Trans Fats from the Food Supply in Industrialized and Developing Countries.” European Journal of Clinical Nutrition 63 (2009): S50–S67. Lenoir, Magalie, Fuschia Serre, Lauriane Cantin, & Serge H. Ahmed. “Intense Sweetness Surpasses Cocaine Reward.” PLOS One (2007). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0000698›. Lupton, Deborah. Fat. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2013. MacGregor, Graham, and Sonia Pombo. “The Amount of Hidden Sugar in Your Diet Might Shock You.” The Conversation 9 January (2014). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://theconversation.com/the-amount-of-hidden-sugar-in-your-diet-might-shock-you-21867›. Mackeown, Elizabeth. “Cold Turkey?” [Letter]. New Scientist 2787 (2010): 31. Martindale, Diane. “Burgers on the Brain.” New Scientist 2380 (2003): 26–29. Mason, David, and Ian Knowd. “The Emergence of Urban Agriculture: Sydney, Australia.” The International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 8.1–2 (2010): 62–71. Neal, Bruce, Jacqui Webster, and Sebastien Czernichow. “Sanguine About Salt Reduction.” European Journal of Preventative Cardiology 19.6 (2011): 1324–1325. Nelson, Greg, Jayaram Chandrashekar, Mark A. Hoon, Luxin Feng, Grace Zhao, Nicholas J. P. Ryba, & Charles S. Zuker. “An Amino-Acid Taste Receptor.” Nature 416 (2002): 199–202. O’Callaghan, Tiffany. “Sugar on Trial: What You Really Need to Know.” New Scientist 2954 (2011): 34–39. Rogers, Jenny. Ed. The Taste of Health: The BBC Guide to Healthy Cooking. London, UK: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985. Rogers, Michael A. “Novel Structuring Strategies for Unsaturated Fats—Meeting the Zero-Trans, Zero-Saturated Fat Challenge: A Review.” Food Research International 42.7 August (2009): 747–753. Schlosser, Eric. Fast Food Nation. London, UK: Penguin, 2002. Super Size Me. Dir. Morgan Spurlock. Samuel Goldwyn Films, 2004. Stafford, Julie. Taste of Life. Richmond, Vic: Greenhouse Publications Ltd, 1983. Stark, Jill. “Australia Now World’s Fattest Nation.” The Age 20 June (2008). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/news/health/australia-worlds-fattest-nation/2008/06/19/1213770886872.html›. Trivedi, Bijal. “Junkie Food: Tastes That Your Brain Cannot Resist.” New Scientist 2776 (2010): 38–41. Wang, Jiali, Silvana Obici, Kimyata Morgan, Nir Barzilai, Zhaohui Feng, & Luciano Rossetti. “Overfeeding Rapidly Increases Leptin and Insulin Resistance.” Diabetes 50.12 (2001): 2786–2791. Warin, Megan. “Foucault’s Progeny: Jamie Oliver and the Art of Governing Obesity.” Social Theory & Health 9.1 (2011): 24–40. Weber, Christopher L., and H. Scott Matthews. “Food-miles and the Relative Climate Impacts of Food Choices in the United States.” Environmental Science & Technology 42.10 (2008): 3508–3513. Wessell, Adele, and Donna Lee Brien. Eds. Rewriting the Menu: the Cultural Dynamics of Contemporary Food Choices. Special Issue 9, TEXT: Journal of Writing and Writing Programs October 2010. World Health Organisation. Closing the Gap: Policy into Practice on Social Determinants of Health [Discussion Paper]. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: World Conference on Social Determinants of Health, World Health Organisation, 19–21 October 2011.

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Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circ*mstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless hom*ogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circ*mstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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